Identity development during adolescence
LEARNING OUTCOME 11.1 Define identity and describe the factors that influence the development of a
personal identity during adolescence.
During adolescence, identity issues become critical. At this stage of life, questions such as ‘Who am I?’,
‘Where am I going?’ and ‘Where do I belong?’ confront individuals for the first time. The reasons that
identity issues arise during this period can be traced to several imperatives that virtually impel adolescents
into a process of developing a personal identity. The cognitive changes involved in formal operational
thinking described in the chapter on physical and cognitive development in adolescence give adolescents
a new ability to critically consider their existence as a unique individual and what that individual stands
for. Piaget and subsequent researchers recognised the profound changes in the thought processes that adolescents
undergo, changes which set the stage for the process of developing an identity. For example, critical
thinking skills that accompany formal operations allow adolescents to evaluate the world around them
in new ways. This is an important process in attaining a personal identity. For example, when teenagers
become interested and even highly involved in political and social movements, they are actively exploring
an important aspect of identity: what they stand for ideologically (Adams, 1998; Schwartz, 2001).
Adolescents’ recently acquired capacity for perspective-taking permits them to consider what ‘self’
means in relation to wider society and its values. In other words, teenagers become able to view things
from multiple perspectives and take on other people’s point of view. This facilitates evaluation of themselves
in relation to society’s norms and according to how others might see them. Sometimes this ability is
taken to extremes. Elkind (1978, 1985) coined the term the imaginary audience to describe this situation.
It involves an over-developed sense of being judged and evaluated by other people, something Elkind
found to be common in adolescence. The imaginary audience might make teenagers hypersensitive to
criticism and self-conscious in social situations. However, this new ability to think about how others
might see oneself is a cognitive skill essential to developing a sense of selfhood. The testing of ideas
about the self against external criteria is an important process in arriving at a realistic personal identity.
As well as cognitive developments, the hormonal changes at puberty and the awakening of sexual interest
also stimulate changes in ideas about the self, propelling adolescents into considering their roles and
values in regard to intimate relationships, their sexuality and sexual orientation. Additionally, normative
pressures within society provide an imperative for consideration of the self in relation to cultural expectations.
These include vocational expectations, with the watershed of leaving compulsory education forcing
the issue of forming a vocational identity.
Erikson’s theory: the stage of identity versus role confusion
Erik Erikson’s (1950, 1968) theory of psychosocial development has guided much of the thinking and
research into adolescent identity development over the past 50 years. Erikson’s ideas about identity were
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stimulated by his own youth, part of which was spent drifting around Europe trying to ‘find’ himself.
Erikson was born to a young Jewish woman from Frankfurt, Germany. His father was an unnamed Danish
man he never knew. Initially Erikson took the name Erik Homberger, the surname of the man his
mother subsequently married. Later in life he changed his name to Erikson, literally meaning ‘son of
Erik’ (Boeree, 2006). So Erikson’s interest in identity was of personal concern to him as well as a professional
interest — his work as a psychotherapist in the United States, treating young people in psychiatric
settings further developed his ideas about identity. Here, Erikson was particularly struck by adolescents
who seemed to be mired in inertia: ‘moving in molasses’ (Erikson, 1968, p. 169). They had little purpose
in life and no idea where they were going or who they were as a person. Erikson labelled this state
identity diffusion, a state that carried considerable risk for the adolescent, who, ‘if faced with continuing
identity diffusion, would rather be nobody, or somebody bad or indeed dead . . . than be not-quite somebody’
(Erikson, 1959, p. 63). Adolescents bemired in identity diffusion who are ‘not quite somebody’
drift aimlessly through life exhibiting role confusion, which forms a pivotal aspect of Erikson’s stage of
psychosocial development relating to adolescence.
Table 2.2 gives an overview of Erikson’s life stages, including the adolescent period. Like other life
stages in Erikson’s theory, the adolescent period encapsulated in stage 5 is a turning point in development,
and is presented as a dialectical dilemma. This is an overarching life problem with two opposing outcomes,
which Erikson termed crisis. However, he distinguished the crises of his theory from catastrophic
or traumatic crises, and saw them as a normative challenge through which personal growth and development
occur. In stage 5 of Erikson’s theory, the adolescent must solve the normative crisis of identity
versus role confusion (Erikson, 1963). The crisis is resolved when the adolescent achieves a reasonably
comprehensive and coherent sense of self — an identity. In this state, the individual feels what Erikson
termed ‘a unity of personality’ that is also recognised externally by other people as having ‘a consistency
in time’ (Erikson, 1968, p. 13). If an identity is not established, the individual remains in a state of uncertainty
as to who they are, rather like the young people Erikson observed during his clinical work who
were in a state of identity diffusion.
According to Erikson’s theory, the individual must at least address — and hopefully resolve — the
crisis at a particular stage of psychosocial development, in order to successfully move on to the next
developmental stage. In addressing each of the developmental tasks he outlined, Erikson stressed the
importance of individuals striving for a sense of balance in terms of the different dialectical crises that
are outlined in his theory. For example, in stage 1 — trust versus mistrust — the child should develop a
healthy balance between the two opposite states, so that they have a basic confidence in other people, but
are not so unconditionally trusting of others that they become gullible. Being pathologically mistrustful
of other people, or on the other hand too trusting, involves an inadequate platform for the next developmental
task: achieving a sense of autonomy. So, if the crisis of one stage is insufficiently addressed and if
balance is not achieved, it provides a poor basis for tackling the tasks of the following stage. The development
of an adequate personal identity during adolescence (stage 5) is therefore dependent on having
successfully resolved the crises of previous stages — that is, the adolescent has developed a basic trust in
other people (stage 1), autonomy and feelings of self-reliance have been developed (stage 2), initiative in
actively exploring possibilities has been undertaken (stage 3), and industriousness and sense of achievement
from their efforts has occurred (stage 4). Thus, the preliminary groundwork for identity formation
begins in earlier psychosocial tasks, but the central task of identity formation is not fully undertaken until
adolescence.
As well as integrating the features of the individual’s previous stages of development, identity formation
provides direction for future personal growth. If identity is successfully addressed and a coherent idea
of self is established, it provides the basis for the resolution of stage 6, the intimacy versus isolation
crisis of young adulthood. A clear and coherent sense of selfhood is necessary for achieving intimacy
in friendships and love relationships; for tolerating the fear of losing one’s sense of self when intimacy
becomes very intense; and for managing the loneliness and isolation when a relationship ends. Thus,
Erikson believed that without a well-established personal identity, the individual can find it hard to risk
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themselves in close personal relationships, and may be unable to form a meaningful and long-term bond
with a significant other, such as a marital relationship.
The label ‘identity versus role confusion’ (stage 5) may give a misleading notion as to how Erikson
viewed the dialectical dilemma of adolescence, as it could appear to suggest that the culmination of
stage 5 is an achieved identity that is a definitive end point in this aspect of development. However,
Erikson’s writings clearly indicate that although identity might be reasonably coherent by the end of
adolescence and the beginning of adulthood, identity formation is in fact an ongoing, lifelong process:
‘[identity] . . . continues to reemerge in the crises of later years’ (Erikson, 1968, p. 13). In other words
adolescents must achieve a balance between role confusion and identity, as they move through life and
as their ideas about themselves change according to different circumstances. So rather than achieving a
rigid identity that is set in concrete for the rest of their days, identity development is a continuing process
that begins in adolescence and is perhaps never really fully achieved. Periods of crisis during the adult
years potentially bring about further episodes of role confusion where identity is profoundly questioned.
Therefore, it is in the dynamic balance between the two states where true personal growth lies.
Research that occurred subsequent to Erikson’s work by investigators such as Kroger, Whitbourne
and Marcia has confirmed the lifelong nature of identity development (e.g. Kroger et al., 2001; Kroger,
2001a, 2001b, 2006b, 2007; Marcia, 1980, 1987, 1993;Whitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, &Waterman, 1992;
Whitbourne, 2005). Early research by Kroger (1989) found middle-aged adults in New Zealand were
still pursuing the integration of some life aspects into their identities, particularly life aspects to do with
intimate relationships after marriage breakdown. More recently, Kroger (2001b) has investigated identity
development during late adulthood, focusing on the impact of loss on identity development and revision
in old age. Despite an ongoing re-examination of some aspects of identity at later stages, a reasonable
integration of the elements of identity during adolescence is still essential scaffolding for moving on to
successive stages of psychosocial growth in early and later adulthood.
The process of identity formation
Erikson maintained that establishing a personal identity is the major developmental task of adolescence,
one that is by no means an easy accomplishment for the individual. Identity is difficult to achieve, because,
as adolescence progresses, it involves actively reconciling a number of inconsistent and alternative roles
against a backdrop of ever-changing personal perspectives and social demands. Young people must examine
in an ongoing way their beliefs about multiple aspects of life, including moral and religious values,
political and social stances, gender role and sexual orientation, intimate relationships and parenthood,
and ethnicity and vocation, integrating these separate elements into a coherent personal identity. These
elements form the content of identity; in other words, the domains within which identity can be explored
(Kroger, 2003, 2007). In exploring the domains of identity, adolescents experiment with different roles
and activities, discovering what fits their personality and what does not. This process can be seen in young
people joining different religious, political or social groups and experimenting with various romantic and
sexual partners. Part-time work and study choices can give the adolescent important opportunities for
testing contrasting vocational and social roles.
In the process of experimentation, identity evaluation occurs. From their experiences, adolescents
may place varying emphases and values on different domains of identity, seeking what is unique about
themselves in comparison to other people; for instance, their parents. One adolescent might primarily
self-identify by social and political activism, becoming a committed member of the Green Left in defiance
of their parents’ political conservatism. Another adolescent might incorporate a balance of several
domains into their identity, such as being a successful student, popular with peers and an active member
of a religious group. In the long process of identity reconciliation, late adolescents focus on integrating
the various aspects of identity, recognising the domains that have the greatest personal salience. As well,
they are able to recognise the situational specificity of different aspects of their identity. For example, an
18 year old self-describes as ‘a party-animal’, yet at times might feel the superficiality of the party
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lifestyle, as well as a strong need to spend time alone—thinking about life—especially after a break-up
with a current girlfriend. Thus, adolescents come to recognise different situations can elicit diverse aspects
of a complex personality, and that their personal identity cannot be described in highly simplified terms.
Many Australians and New Zealanders travel after finishing high school— reflective of a psychological moratorium
that allows them to explore different roles and activities, an important part of identity formation.
Erikson recognised that the period of identity formation during adolescence is a period of
psychological moratorium — a developmental suspension between the security and certainties
of childhood and the unknowns of the adult world. So, rather than launch themselves wholeheartedly
from childhood into the full responsibilities and roles of adulthood, teenagers take a form of
developmental ‘time out’ — exploring different roles and activities important for identity formation.
Psychological moratorium can be observed in many Australian and New Zealand teenagers taking a
‘gap year’ (‘overseas experience’ or ‘OS’ in New Zealand) after finishing Year 12 in order to explore
various possibilities, including different jobs and social service roles. The gap year might involve travel
and employment in different countries, allowing young people to explore possibilities that would not be
available to them if they stayed at home or continued straight on with post-secondary education. This
type of exploration is encouraged by foreign governments that extend youth working visas, making it
easier for young people to secure overseas employment.
Individual differences in identity development: Marcia’s
identity status model
In order to investigate individual differences in identity development, early research by Marcia (1966)
used semi-structured interviews to ask students aged 18 to 22 about central aspects of identity such
as their occupational choices, religious beliefs and political values. With the aim of ascertaining
individuals’ progress towards achieving identity, Marcia proposed four separate types of identity status
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that represent different levels of identity development and operationalise several elements in Erikson’s
theory. Each status is conceptualised as the result of the interaction of two different criteria derived from
Erikson’s theory: a process Marcia termed crisis, involving active exploration of identity alternatives;
and an outcome Marcia called commitment, a psychological investment in a course of action (Marcia,
1980, 1987, 1993; Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Osofsky, 1993). The four status categories
vary in relation to whether these elements are present or absent, and can be seen in figure 11.1.
FIGURE 11.1 Marcia’s identity status model
According to Marcia, individuals can be classified into four identity categories, each of which is
called a ‘status’, and all of which are based on the presence or absence of an identity crisis, and
whether or not a commitment to an occupational path and a set of values and beliefs has been
made.
Commitment
Crisis
Present Absent
Present Identity achievement
Identity moratorium
Identity foreclosure
Absent Identity diffusion
Source: Marcia (1980).
The foremost status in terms of identity development is called identity achievement, and is characterised
by a period of crisis in which adolescents explore different alternatives in the various identity
areas, before committing to a relatively coherent and consistent identity. This, in turn, serves to guide
future choices in lifestyle, including vocational and relationship choices. The second of Marcia’s status
types in terms of developmental sophistication is identity moratorium, which draws directly on
Erikson’s idea of a ‘time out’ period, and is indicated when adolescents have begun a process of actively
exploring different roles, but are yet to make commitments. In moratorium, adolescents have the opportunity
to try out many different roles and responsibilities. Moratorium can also indicate a suspended
process of identity formation through personality factors or life circumstances. In these cases, moratorium
can become protracted, and it may constitute a difficult period when the individual avoids making
commitments and may feel lost and confused.
Marcia proposed two further status types, identity foreclosure and identity diffusion, which represent
lower and more problematic levels of identity development. In identity foreclosure, the individual arrives
at a committed identity without going through the process of exploration and resolution of the dialectical
crisis. Typically, this occurs because an identity has been imposed on the individual, usually by an
external authority, such as parents. Foreclosed individuals tend to come from authoritarian homes and
follow vocational and other roles that are predetermined. Examples of foreclosure are an adolescent
girl unquestioningly taking on a role in her family’s business, in place of exploring other vocational
alternatives; or an adolescent boy entering a religious order to please his parents, prior to any exploration
of other roles. Erikson pointed to the dangers of a lack of critical exploration of different roles in the
pathological foreclosed identity offered by the Hitler Youth organisation in Germany in the 1930s and
1940s, which recruited young adolescents as a precursor to military service and inculcated them with
Nazi ideals. A contemporary example of this extreme type of pathological foreclosure is the disturbing
involvement of many youths in terrorist organisations that enlist recruits for suicide bombings.
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Young people who show exceptional early abilities, such as proficiency at math, talent in sport or
giftedness in the arts, are at risk of identity foreclosure. If the ability emerges during childhood, the individual
might embark on a particular path long before any active exploration of different roles can be
undertaken. An example of this is the grooming of young girls as Olympic gymnasts. When their short
career and identification with the role of gymnast is over in late adolescence or early adulthood, these
females can find themselves in a state of identity confusion as a result of not having explored any alternative
roles. Thus, the foreclosed individual’s identity is typified by a lack of synthesis of the two aspects
of commitment and crisis, with commitment often coming at an inappropriate time in development.
The 2010 Hollywood movie Black Swan is a compelling exploration of premature commitment to an
identity and life role. At the beginning of the film, the ballerina protagonist Nina — a young adult with
exceptional talent — is dutifully fulfilling her excessively controlling mother’s own frustrated ambitions
as a dancer (foreclosure). Later, Nina struggles against the rigidity imposed by both her professional and
home life, trying to achieve a sense of self by exploring alternative roles and darker adult experiences
(moratorium) — activities that her mother strenuously opposes. Nina’s fragile identity shatters under the
onslaught of psychosis, an event that mirrors Erikson’s (1968) contention that serious role conflict and
identity confusion can lead to psychotic episodes.
Identity diffusion is a type of identity status in which adolescents appear variously flighty, confused or
apathetic. They have not taken the first steps in the identity formation process; thus, this status lacks both
crisis and commitment. Marcia described the identity diffused adolescent as typically having a ‘party’
attitude to life, not taking normal responsibilities such as academic study seriously, and living life totally
in the moment, as though there were no tomorrow. More seriously identity-diffused adolescents, such as
those Erikson originally portrayed, are apathetic individuals who lack interest in people, activities and
community, and may experience severe self-doubt, low self-esteem, anxiety and depression (Berzonsky
& Kuk, 2000; Kroger, 2006a).
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Marcia’s status categories offer a useful avenue for applying and evaluating Erikson’s theoretical
ideas, so research in the area has burgeoned in the decades since Marcia first operationalised
Erikson’s theory.
Research has shown that identity development takes many diverse paths, with varying patterns between
individuals and across the domains of identity development (Kroger, 2001c; Meeus, 1996). Nonetheless,
the majority of adolescents move from the less-developed types of status to the more-developed types,
and not in the reverse direction. For example, a previously foreclosed individual, who has embarked upon
a particular training course, simply because it is a family expectation, becomes dissatisfied with the role
that has been imposed upon them earlier in adolescence and re-evaluates their decision midway through
training. They would begin moratorium somewhat later than normal, actively exploring other vocational
options, and, as a result, might decide to change to another course that better suits their interests. Identity
diffused individuals could also begin the process of identity formation later in life, perhaps when barriers
to role exploration have been removed. However, some studies have suggested that foreclosed and diffused
identity statuses are much more stable in later adolescence than previously believed, so are less likely to
undergo a moratorium-related change than earlier in adolescence (Berzonsky, 2003).
Research indicates that during the high school years, diffusion and foreclosure are the most common
identity status types, with individuals gradually progressing towards identity achievement over the course
of adolescence and young adulthood. Thus, identity achievement is rarest among early adolescents but is
more frequently found among older high school students, university students and young adults. However,
in a review of longitudinal studies across the years of adolescence and young adulthood, Kroger (2004)
found that fewer than half of young adults had reached identity achievement in tertiary education settings.
Some studies indicated percentages of achieved identity as low as 13 per cent. Moreover, a recent metaanalysis
of cross-sectional studies has shown that the mean proportions of achieved identity at 21 and
22 years were 25 and 33 per cent respectively, and that stabilisation of less mature statuses had occurred
for over half of young adults (Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).
Nonetheless, Fadjukoff, Pulkkinen, and Kokko’s (2005) results indicated a developmental trajectory
towards achieved identity in most domains at some time during adulthood. These and Kroger’s findings
challenge Erikson’s assertion of a reasonably coherent identity by the end of adolescence. Research suggests
that the process is a much longer one for the majority of contemporary teenagers, perhaps stretching
well into adulthood. This phenomenon might be due to the different life circumstances of adolescents and
young adults in the twenty-first century, with many developmental milestones—such as completing education,
finding employment, marrying and starting a family — happening at later ages than was the case
in the mid twentieth century when Erikson was formulating his theory. Cramer (2004) found that life
experiences — such work successes, family and marital experiences, involvement in community, and
political activities — strongly predicted identity achievement. If these processes are temporally delayed,
then it is not surprising that achieved identity is also delayed.
Additionally, Lindberg (2008) completed three studies into gender intensification, a theory originally
hypothesised by Hill and Lynch (1983). Study 1 found that, in opposition to Hill and Lynch’s hypothesis,
between the ages of 11 and 15 girls reported greater femininity and equal levels of masculinity to boys of
a similar age; neither became more feminine nor masculine over time. Study 2 found that feminine and
masculine traits are more socially accepted when exhibited by that sex. Findings from study 3 indicated
that early and late maturers, regardless of gender, experienced identity development similarly.
Factors affecting identity development
Gender is a salient factor affecting identity development. For example, in a study of New Zealand adolescents,
Kroger and Haslett (1991) found gender differences in the speed with which adolescent girls and
boys progressed towards identity achievement. In particular, young women appeared to be more vulnerable
to identity foreclosure. Nonetheless, in other studies, progression through the less developed identities
towards the more developed identities has revealed no significant sex differences and few sex differences
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have been found in the distributions of males and females across the different identity status categories
(Buckler, 2005; Kroger, 1997; Marcia et al., 1993; Phinney, Ferguson, & Tate, 1997).
Although there are few observed sex differences in identity outcomes, there may be significant gender
differences in the processes involved in achieving a firm identity. Erikson maintained males and females
moved through stages 5 and 6 differently, with males establishing a firm identity prior to embarking
on intimate relationships. However, he believed this progression was reversed for females, with identity
achievement predicated on first establishing an intimate relationship. Feminist theorist Gilligan (1993)
furthered this argument, insisting that women’s intimacy and identity are fused, with identity dependent
at least partially on attachment to a significant other. The identity of men, on the other hand, is based on
autonomy and achievement.
Longitudinal research findings by Buckler (2005) have challenged Gilligan’s and Erikson’s stances
regarding different male and female trajectories through stages 5 and 6. Buckler found that identity did
not significantly predict intimacy in college-aged males. Instead, the reverse was the case, suggesting
that identity in males is not necessarily a precursor to intimacy, as predicted by Erikson’s theory.
Moreover, Buckler could find no compelling evidence of a fusion between intimacy and identity in
college-aged females. These authors found that that levels of intimacy failed to predict identity a year
later. However, gender per se investigated by Buckler might not be the most salient factor. Kroger
(2003) argues that gender role differences rather than gender per se influence the salience of different
identity domains for young men and women. For example, young women who endorse more traditional
gender roles for themselves might emphasise domains concerning interpersonal relationships and social
commitments in establishing an identity, whereas those who express greater androgyny are more likely
to express their identity through Erikson’s familiar and supposedly ‘masculine’ domains of ideology
and vocation.
Peers play an important part in the establishment of personal identity during adolescence. Adolescents
rely less on adults — such as parents — for information, and more on their friends and peer group for
ideas about possible roles and activities in identity exploration. For example, Felsman and Blustein (1999)
found that attachment to friends during adolescence correlated significantly with exploration of vocational
options and progress towards choosing a career. The peer group is also a crucial reference group for social
comparisons involving interpersonal relationships. For instance, Meeus, Oosterwegel, and Volleburgh
(2002) demonstrated that the closeness of peer ties predicted the exploration of identity issues connected
to relationships, with adolescents considering the characteristics they valued in close friends and romantic
partners. Increasingly, the importance of the peer group and its relationship to personal identity is being
recognised in the genesis of drug abuse and eating disorders during adolescence. If a teenager’s peer group
is indulging in recreational drug use or unhealthy dieting, adolescents can be forced into identity-related
decisions regarding personal values and behaviour. ‘Am I part of that scene? Do I identify with those
guys and their activities and values?’ Paxton, Schutz, Wertheim, and Muir (1999) investigated the impact
of friendship cliques on dieting behaviour in Australian teenage girls, and found significant connections
between identification with peer group body image or dieting ‘norms’, and unhealthy eating Paxton et al.’s
findings were confirmed in a later study of Spanish teenagers; Like Paxton et al., Cunha (2007) found a
significant correlation between peers’ dieting values and individuals’ dieting behaviours.
As witnessed by the central role of parental authority in foreclosure, parental factors can be crucial in
identity formation. Foreclosed adolescents often possess very close ties with their parents and find it difficult
to achieve a healthy separation that would otherwise allow exploration of identity issues. In contrast,
adolescents who have a close parental bond that is accompanied by sufficient freedom and flexibility to
explore their own ideas and values are most often found in the moratorium status and achievement status
(Berzonsky, 2004). Identity diffusion is significantly associated with a lack of parental support, parental
warmth and open communication styles (Reis & Youniss, 2004).
Identity formation is significantly influenced by aspects of personality, although correlational research
suggests that there are bidirectional relationships between personal characteristics and identity status.
Numerous studies have shown that individual differences in identity development reflect reliable
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differences in personal characteristics and adjustment. Whether these are precursors to the development
of a particular identity status or its outcomes is a moot point.
Adolescents in the most developed status categories of identity achievement and moratorium tend to be
the most psychologically healthy, showing higher achievement motivation, self-esteem and moral reasoning
than individuals in the other status groups. Adolescents who are in moratorium are often described as
lively, open-minded and androgynous in their attitudes, readily seeking intimacy (Kroger, 2006a, 2007;
Marcia, 1994). Foreclosed adolescents are conforming and conventional, and are sometimes characterised
as ‘rigidly happy’, rejecting information that might threaten their externally imposed roles (Berzonsky &
Kuk, 2000; Frank, Pirsch, & Wright, 1990). Identity diffused adolescents are regarded as the least psychologically
healthy individuals and are often highly anxious and exhibit lower scores on a number of
measures of personal adjustment. They exhibit a sense of despondency about their future prospects, so
are regarded as the most at-risk group for low self-esteem, delinquency, drug abuse and suicide (Archer
& Waterman, 1990; Chandler, Lalonde, Sokol & Hallett, 2003; Shaffer, 2009).
While there is some evidence to suggest that psychological problems, such as those previously
described, interrupt the process of identity exploration and formation (e.g. Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000),
there has been little research exploring the role negative physical states might play in identity development.
Australian research using the EOMEIS investigated whether chronic illness and disability
negatively impact identity development. Burton Smith, Hart, Woolley, and Burbury (2008) investigated
the identity status of young people with type 2 diabetes and asthma compared to that of matched healthy
peers. Illness-specific results were found, with more diabetic individuals in advanced identity status
categories than healthy peers, as well as fewer asthmatics. These results indicate that particular diseaserelated
contexts, such as controllability, restrictiveness and body image, interact with the processes of
identity formation to promote or impede identity development. Using a similar methodology, Woolley
(2007) investigated identity formation in Australian adolescents and young adults with acquired and
developmental physical disabilities, and found mainly similarities in the proportions of individuals in
the different identity status categories when they were compared to matched samples of healthy peers.
From these two studies, it appears chronic illness and disability are not factors that necessarily impede
identity development, but may be mediated through other processes in differentially affecting identity
development.
Societal factors that negatively influence identity achievement include poverty, unemployment,
economic recession, political instability and war; all of which result in life circumstances that preclude
the activities associated with moratorium. For example, adolescents living in poverty could be primarily
concerned with day-to-day survival, immersed in a lifestyle in which opportunities for positive identity
exploration are extremely limited compared to the lifestyles of more advantaged adolescents and young
adults attending post-secondary education. Poverty can necessitate young people taking on a routine job as
soon as they leave school in order to support their family. In war-torn parts of the world and regions where
there is political instability and civil strife, young people often lack the opportunities to explore a variety
of roles and life courses. Thus, for many adolescents around the world, moratorium is a luxury that they
cannot afford. Moreover, in pre-industrial societies today, many adolescents simply take on the roles that
are expected of them, constrained by unavailable options and the values of their community. For example,
a youth in rural Africa unquestioningly follows his father into a subsistence farming lifestyle. Thus, for
many of the world’s adolescents, Erikson’s foreclosure status is the accepted norm (Shaffer, 2009).
Adolescents in Western countries who lack positive adult and peer role models, and who live in
areas where gangs, drugs and violence are common and rates of school dropout and unemployment are
high, are more likely to encounter difficulties in forming positive identities compared with adolescents
growing up in more supportive life circumstances (Bat-Chava, Allen, Aber, & Seidman, 1997; McCloyd,
1998). Recent research by J-F, Gillies, Carroll, Swabey, Pullen, Fluck, and Yu (2014) into employment
of prisoners following incarceration supports the findings above by indicating that positive identity
formation is problematic when difficult life situations exist during adolescence and remain so into adulthood.
With limited exposure to more positive possibilities, these adolescents are at risk of developing a
CHAPTER 11 Psychosocial development in adolescence 593
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
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type of foreclosure typified by a negative identity (Erikson, 1959). In the absence of the conditions that
allow for the development of a more positive identity, an identity such as being a gang member, ‘bikie’
or terrorist can easily emerge, particularly if the adolescent identifies with charismatic figureheads, such
as drug lords, gangland figures and the leaders of extremist organisations, who have become successful
by criminal or antisocial means.
Cultural factors play an important role in identity development, and in multicultural societies like
Australia and New Zealand, the assimilation of an ethnic identity can be a major developmental task
for minority teenagers. The particular challenges of ethnic identity development are discussed in the
Multicultural view feature at the end of the chapter.
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