LEARNING OUTCOME 11.3 Compare how parent–child relationships differ during childhood and
adolescence, and discuss how intergenerational conflicts affect parent–child relationships during adolescence.
Things were not going well for Rebecca and her family, and they came to a head over a party. Rebecca’s
best friend Jessica had an older brother who was turning 18. Jessica was allowed to invite two friends to
the party to keep her company. Jessica had asked Rebecca and another mutual school friend, Sarah.
Rebecca delivered an ultimatum about the birthday party the day before. Her parents were taken aback
by Rebecca’s assertiveness and how she laid down a gauntlet. ‘I’m going because Sarah is, and Jess really
wants us to come’, said Rebecca. ‘Just hang on’, said Rebecca’s father, ‘We’d like to know a bit more
about this party before Mum and I agree to you going. I take it there will be alcohol?’ ‘Dad, it’s a party.
Of course there’ll be beer and stuff’. ‘And what about Jessica’s parents? Will they be there the whole
time?’. ‘For sure’, said Rebecca, with her face showing a pained look because of the interrogation. ‘So,
it’ll just be you 14 year olds plus two dozen or so 18 to 20 year olds?’ said her father. ‘And beer? I
don’t like the sound of it.’ He turned to Rebecca’s mother, who had a worried look on her face. ‘What do
you think?’ ‘Well’, said her mother, taking a deep breath, ‘I’ve met Jessica’s mother and she seems like
a nice woman, but I don’t like the idea of the two age groups mixing, and the alcohol, that’s a worry’.
‘But Mu-uum’, Rebecca said in a carping voice, ‘Jess, Sarah and I’ll only be drinking Cokes. Geez, don’t
you trust me?’ Rebecca’s father mused, ‘I’ve never met Jessica’s father, but I’ve spoken to her mother a
couple of times at school functions. She seems like a fairly down-to-earth sort of person . . . I think I’ll
give her a call . . . ’
The upshot of the negotiations was that Rebecca was allowed to attend the party until midnight. Her
parents vetoed the sleepover that Rebecca had not even mentioned, but that Jessica’s mother had assumed
they knew about. It was agreed that Rebecca’s father would collect her from Jessica’s place. Rebecca was
sullen, muttering darkly about being ‘damned Cinderella’.
Just before midnight the following day, Rebecca’s father pulled up at Jessica’s house. Several police
cars were parked haphazardly in the road, with their blue and red lights casting an eerie glow over the
scene. Rebecca’s father desperately looked for his daughter in what seemed like the aftermath of a fullscale
riot, with scores of young people exiting the property in various states of inebriation. There was no
sign of Jessica’s parents. Making his way through the ruined garden, Rebecca’s father eventually found
his very drunk daughter lying under a bush, in the arms of a boy he had never seen before. Rebecca
598 PART 5 Adolescence
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
had been violently sick, and the remains of it were still on her clothing. The next day, when Rebecca
emerged sheepishly into the kitchen in the early hours of the afternoon, her parents were at the dining
table finishing lunch. ‘Sit down, Rebecca’ said her father gently. ‘Would you like some coffee? I think
we have a few things to talk about . . . ’
Rebecca’s search for her own identity and autonomy profoundly affected her relationships, particularly
with her parents. Her attempts to have a life apart from the life she shared with her family, such as
her secret boyfriend, and her new coolness towards her younger brother, caused distress for all family
members, and, perhaps most of all, for herself. Rebecca’s ties with her family seemed to be unravelling
dramatically, such as on the night of the party, and as a result of small, but insidious changes to her
behaviour and actions — such as non-compliance in keeping her room tidy, being continually late for
meals, and failing to do jobs around the house. To her parents, Rebecca seemed far more interested in
her friends than she was in maintaining the family relationships of old.
During adolescence, parents, like Rebecca’s, must make room for their children’s increasing interest
in peers and a new commitment to the life among equals that peers provide. Young teenagers’ efforts to
become more physically and emotionally separate from their parents and closer to their friends can be
stressful, such as the baptism of fire that Rebecca experienced during the party. Nonetheless, the problems
and conflicts of this period are typically relatively minor ones. More serious ongoing problems of
adolescence are more likely to occur in families in which the developmental needs of adolescents are not
met by the teenagers’ parents than in families like Rebecca’s — with parents who take a concerned and
active interest in their teenagers’ wellbeing (Steinberg, 2001). A major focus of contemporary research
into family relationships is between parents and their teenage children. In this section, adolescents’ relationships
with their parents are explored in detail.
Relationships with parents
Parent–child relationships during adolescence are a continuation of the relationships that are forged during
childhood, and the quality of these relationships in adolescence is largely dependent on the foundations
that are laid during childhood. Thus, any additional strains placed on parent–child relations during adolescence
can exacerbate the problems of previous periods of development. On the other hand, these strains
are alleviated to some extent by the continuing warmth that exists between parents and children, rather
like an emotional bank account built up in the earlier years of development that is drawn upon during the
often-taxing teenage years.
Although parent–child warmth generally continues from childhood, communication undergoes
changes, consistent with adolescents’ emerging ideas of self, including the different ‘selves’ experienced
by teenagers in relation to parents and peers. Adolescents feel justified in keeping certain aspects
of their lives private from their parents, like Rebecca’s secret boyfriend and her activities in her own
domain, her bedroom. Thus, adolescents’ personal issues, such as how they spend their pocket money or
engage with their latest romantic interest, are often regarded as ‘off limits’ to parents, while other information,
such as school subject choices, might be more readily shared, especially with mothers (Smetana,
Metzger, Gettman, & Campione-Barr, 2006). Even with significant changes in parent–child interactions
and communications, parents remain an important source of social support for teenage children, and parents
continue to have a large influence on their decisions, especially major ones like vocational choices
(Needham & Austin, 2010; Steinberg, 2001; Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Nonetheless, parental influence and
their role in directly regulating their children’s behaviour tend to decrease during adolescence. This is due
in part to the increased degree of self-regulation seen during adolescence. In addition, it is important to
note that children who identify as belonging to a sexual minority experience lower levels of parental
support, and this affects their health (Needham & Austin, 2010).
Self-regulation refers to the individual’s ability to monitor and direct their behaviour to meet environmental
demands. As such it involves a bi-directional process where the environment is both acted
upon and acts upon the individual (Gestsdottir & Lerner, 2008). It is also a process that undergoes
CHAPTER 11 Psychosocial development in adolescence 599
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
developmental changes, with children showing an age-related increase in self-regulation. As they grow
older, children are more able to comply with demands for appropriate behaviour and competent action,
and are better able to inhibit impulses and to deal with frustration. These developments are linked to
physiological changes in the brain, with the strengthening of neural connections — especially between
the frontal lobes and other brain structures (Keating, 2004). Adolescence is a crucial period for the
development of self-regulation, including emotional self-regulation. During this period of development,
self-regulation of behaviour includes choosing between alternative courses of action, thinking before
taking action and inhibiting impulsive and risky behaviours. However, the neural networks governing
these activities are not fully mature until late adolescence (Steinberg, 2004), so parents need to continue
to play an important role monitoring and protecting their adolescent children, as can be seen in the case
of Rebecca and her parents.
Achieving autonomy
During adolescence, there is a shift in parents’ and children’s roles. In early and middle childhood, parents
have a role that is typified by power and nurturance. Their primary goals are to protect their children from
harm and to facilitate their development. By corollary, children have limited power and autonomy. As
children develop, the asymmetrical relationship gradually changes in terms of power and influence, with
children’s autonomy increasing with age. During adolescence, there is a marked shift in the asymmetrical
parent–child relationship, due to burgeoning intellectual growth characterised by formal operational
thought, hormonal changes and normative social pressures. Adolescents begin to think of their parents
differently, replacing the all-powerful image of childhood authority and expertise with a more balanced
idea of their parents as people with strengths as well as human weaknesses (Allen & Land, 1999;
Arnett, 2004).
Adolescents increasingly seek autonomy—their independence from parental constraints—with which
they can gain a sense of control over their existence, making their own decisions regarding many aspects
of life. Increasingly too, parents must release their control over their sons’ and daughters’ lives. Parents
are usually more reluctant to cede personal control during early adolescence, a time when they perceive
their children as more vulnerable, than in late adolescence, when they have attained greater experience
of the world. Indeed, researchers have found sharp distinctions in autonomy between early and late adolescents,
with older adolescents displaying greater autonomy in choice of friends; money management;
employment; and activities outside the home, including peer and adult-oriented activities (Allen, Hauser,
O’Connor, & Bell 2002; Dornbush, Erickson, Laird, & Wong, 2001).
Parents are acutely aware of the dangers increased autonomy can bring, in a world full of opportunities
for engaging in risk-taking behaviour, such as taking recreational drugs, driving fast cars and having
unprotected sex. Therefore, letting go of the protective and nurturing roles of earlier periods of development
can be a painful and anxiety-provoking process for parents. However, within a few short years,
there is a dramatic change from a still asymmetrical state of affairs in early adolescence to a more balanced
and equitable relationship between parents and their children by the end of adolescence. At the end
point of the autonomy process, the parent–child relationship is ideally an egalitarian relationship (Adams
& Laursen, 2001). It should resemble the close friendships between unrelated adults, with respect for
individual freedoms and independence. This contrasts with the intense dependency-related attachments
between parents and children during earlier stages of development.
The process of achieving autonomy can be a difficult and complex one because of the lack of firm
guidelines, particularly in modern industrial societies. Parents often have difficulty establishing norms
against which they can judge the appropriateness of decisions to cede or not cede control to their children.
Parents have often heard a cry like ‘But everyone’s allowed to!’ from teenage sons or daughters, such as
Rebecca’s fervent reassurance that her friend Sarah was permitted to attend the party.
There is a delicate balance between parental caution and protection of their offspring, and the adolescent
need to feel grown up and to conform to the demands of the peer group. Thus, there are different
perceptions by parents and children of the age at which certain freedoms should be allowed. Teenagers
600 PART 5 Adolescence
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
generally feel that milestones should occur at younger ages than do adults. Australian research showed
that adolescents believed a range of milestones, such as dating and staying out late, should occur at
younger ages than their parents believed, with the average age nominated by adolescents for various
autonomy-related activities between one and three years earlier than the age nominated by their parents.
For example Australian teenagers feel that the age at which they should be allowed to drink alcohol is
16.5 years, whereas their parents feel that it should be 18 years, the current legal age in Australia (Wilks
& McPherson, 2002).
Through a process of feedback, negotiation and argument, levels of autonomy are set in regard to issues
such as curfews, dating and bedtimes. The process of negotiation can be seen in Rebecca’s dealings with
her parents over the party. She saw it as a perfectly legitimate ‘fun’ activity, and believed she was fulfilling
an important social obligation to her friend Jessica. However, her parents, in their protective role, saw
beyond Rebecca’s immediate peer-based concerns to the wider issues of alcohol and the possible risks of
such a mixed-aged gathering for their 14-year-old daughter. A compromise was reached with concessions
on both sides: Rebecca’s agreement to come home by midnight and her parents’ agreement to let her
attend the party. As adolescence progresses, parents gradually relinquish control in areas in which they
feel their son or daughter can make reasonably mature decisions, while still keeping control in areas in
which more mature decision making is still to be achieved (Collins & Steinberg, 2006).
There are large individual differences in the development of autonomy in adolescence, resulting from
an interaction between the degree of adolescent push for autonomy and the extent of parental inclination
to cede control. The different parenting styles previously discussed in relation to parent–child relationships
in early childhood are important in determining individual differences in autonomy (see the chapter
on psychosocial development in early childhood). The non-authoritative styles are associated with more
extreme parental attitudes to autonomy and to more problematic outcomes than authoritative parenting,
in which parents exert firm, consistent and age-appropriate control over adolescent behaviour, while being
responsive and respectful of their teenager’s thoughts and feelings (Vazsonyi, Hibbert, & Snider, 2003).
For example, Rebecca’s parents demonstrated authoritative parenting in their negotiations with her over
the party, recognising her peer-related and personal needs, and balancing them with their parental concerns
— reaching a compromise based largely on an assurance by Jessica’s mother of adequate adult
supervision.
Thus, parent–adolescent relationships that reflect the secure emotional base of authoritative parenting
are most likely to result in a mutually satisfactory exploration of autonomy for both parents and
adolescent children (Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O’Conner, 1994). Moreover, the combination of parental
warmth, support and flexible control in this type of parenting is associated with less antisocial and
risk-taking behaviour during adolescence, such as substance abuse and aggression, which can be traced
to an appropriate level of autonomy granting (Brookmeyer, Henrich, & Schwab-Stone, 2005; Gray &
Steinberg, 1999). The laissez-faire attitudes of permissive and uninvolved parenting, in which few or no
limits are set, can allow too much autonomy at an age at which the adolescent lacks the maturity to make
wise decisions. Jessica’s parents displayed permissive parenting by not providing continuous supervision
of the party, which quickly got out of hand when large numbers of gatecrashers arrived. The parental
assumption that the young guests could adequately handle themselves unsupervised at the party was —
sadly — wrong. The situation quickly escalated out of control. Such inappropriate autonomy granting
is associated with antisocial and risky behaviour in adolescence (Goldstein, Davis-Kean, & Eccles,
2005). For example, Dishion, Nelson, and Bullock’s (2004) longitudinal study of 14-year-old adolescent
American boys showed that uninvolved parenting and the degradation of family management in the early
adolescent years significantly predicted deviant peer involvement, marijuana use and antisocial acts at
age 18.
At the other end of the autonomy spectrum is the extreme rigidity of authoritarian parenting, in which
parents are reluctant to give even normative responsibilities and freedoms to their children until well
beyond adolescence. Freud (1958) recognised particular danger in this situation. Adolescents too may
be content to remain conveniently unchallenged by complying unquestioningly with family and parental
CHAPTER 11 Psychosocial development in adolescence 601
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
requirements, and, in doing so, they fail to undergo the necessary experiences that lead to a mature
adult personality. Psychologists have recognised a difference between behavioural control practised by
authoritative parents and psychological control practised by authoritarian parents. Whereas behavioural
control involves monitoring and regulating teenagers’ activities, psychological control involves intrusive
and domineering interference with adolescents’ emerging sense of autonomy. One disturbing aspect of
such control is clandestine testing of teenagers for sexual activities and drug-taking by parents, using kits
commercially marketed for this purpose. Research has shown that teenagers subjected to such elevated
levels of psychological control are more likely to be involved in antisocial acts and display higher levels
of depression and anxiety (Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001).
On the other hand, parental monitoring, which involves knowing where teenagers are and what they are
doing, creates an environment in which adolescents more readily disclose information about their activities
and problems. For example, although Rebecca was reticent about disclosing some important aspects
of her life, her parents wisely refrained from grilling her about her secret boyfriend, instead leaving the
situation for an open-ended discussion at an appropriate time. In an attempt to unravel why effective
monitoring is related to positive outcomes for teenagers, Keegan, Feeney, and Noller (2002) developed
a multidimensional model of parental monitoring based on the responses of several hundred Australian
adolescents and their parents. Analysis of the responses revealed that monitoring is a multidimensional
construct influenced by several variables including the age of the adolescent and the gender of both the
parent and the adolescent child.
Authoritarian parenting exerts harmful psychological control that is intrusive and negatively affects the quality of
family relationships.
As well as individual differences, there are wider group-based differences in the process of gaining
autonomy during adolescence. Normative ages for autonomy show significant gender differences.
Fleming (2005a) found that age of achievement of autonomy in a number of key areas such as staying
602 PART 5 Adolescence
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
out at night, managing one’s own money and having a girlfriend or boyfriend was significantly lower for
boys than girls, but only from the age of about 16 onwards. The two genders were highly similar in terms
of the age of gaining autonomy in early adolescence (12–15 years). In a further study involving Portuguese
teenagers, Fleming (2005b) discovered no significant gender differences in desire for autonomy
between boys and girls. However, a watershed for autonomy between the genders at age 16 was apparent,
where boys suddenly achieved greater levels of autonomy than girls did, mainly through disobedience to
parental wishes. Adolescent girls of the same age were less likely to rebel, perhaps because of a wish
to preserve emotional attachment to parents, or because of higher levels of enmeshment and separation
anxiety. This is also explicable in terms of gender roles with differing parental attitudes to autonomy of
daughters and sons, with sons being given more autonomy opportunities than daughters. Indeed, gender
differences favouring boys’ autonomy at earlier ages are particularly pronounced in families in which
more traditional gender roles are valued (Bumpus, Crouter, & McHale, 2001).
In addition to gender differences, studies have indicated marked cultural differences in the achievement
of autonomy. Teenagers from collectivistic cultures that stress the rights and welfare of the group over
those of the individual may be less inclined to achieve autonomy, or achieve it at a later stage than
adolescents from cultures in which individualism is stressed (Raeff, 2004). Zimmer-Gembeck and Collins
(2003) maintain that autonomy achievement in different cultures tends to be a function of the relative
strength of collectivist versus individualistic cultural norms, particularly for ethnic minority families.
For example, in a study of Chinese-Australian and Chinese-American teenagers and their Anglo-Celtic
counterparts, autonomy was greater in the Chinese-Australian adolescents, and was closer to the
Anglo-Celtic Australian norms. In contrast, the American samples were further apart. It appears that the
Chinese-American teenagers were more embedded in a large and closely knit Chinese community. By
contrast, the Chinese-Australian adolescents and their families were more integrated into the mainstream
community. Therefore, the closeness of the correspondence between the strength of cultural practices
followed by families and the autonomy expectations of minority adolescents is more important than
the absolute degree or age at which autonomy is achieved (Updegraff, McHale, Whiteman, Thayer, &
Crouter, 2006).
Parent–child conflict during adolescence
As demonstrated in the previous section, adolescents often want more autonomy than parents are willing
to allow, so many parent–child conflicts during this period are centred on the autonomy issue. In
terms of responsibility, the flip side of autonomy, further ground for conflict can be found, with parents
often expecting responsibility at younger ages than teenagers are apt to concede. A good example is taking
domestic responsibility and helping parents with the everyday running of the household. Teenagers’
messy rooms and parents’ complaints of adolescent laziness are legendary, as witnessed by Rebecca’s
parents’ efforts to get Rebecca to conform to regular mealtimes and bedtimes, and to fulfil household
duties. Thus, there are often wide differences between parents and teenagers in terms of what each perceives
as the appropriate age for both freedoms and responsibilities. This is a frequent stumbling block
in adolescent–parent relations, giving rise to intergenerational conflict.
Furthermore, much intergenerational conflict often lies in differing parental and adolescent views
of appropriate and inappropriate behaviour. What appears to an adolescent as a perfectly acceptable
expression of one’s individuality and personal choice may be seen by parents as violating society’s norms
or expectations. For instance, adolescents and their parents might hold very different views about having
their bodies pierced in ten different places. From a series of longitudinal studies of teenagers and their
parents in the United States, Hong Kong and China, Smetana (2005) concluded that the issues parents
and their adolescent children disagree on tend to be social conventions, such as dress and behaviour;
prudential matters, such as curfews; and practical concerns, such as chores and the smooth running of the
household. These issues do not vary greatly across the adolescent years. Smetana asserts that intergenerational
disagreements are rarely about fundamental moral values and beliefs that are key to interpersonal
relationships, indicating that teenagers are not rejecting basic parental and family values. However,
CHAPTER 11 Psychosocial development in adolescence 603
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
they do not necessarily share their parents’ often expressed concerns about social conventions, social
regulation and parental authority. Instead teenagers’ arguments are more likely to be focused on peer
group conventions and personal freedoms.
Smetana, Daddis, and Chuang’s (2003) longitudinal study of middle-class African-American families
identified conflicts are more likely to occur during early adolescence than in later adolescence. As well,
conflict escalates compared with previous periods of development (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). Escalating
conflict can be traced to adolescents’ push for autonomy and parental unwillingness, initially, to
cede control. This push–pull process continues through the teenage years, but the conflict typical of early
adolescence generally declines as teenagers reach late adolescence, at about 17 or 18 years. At this stage,
parents cede more control as they perceive greater maturity in their offspring.
The intensity and duration of conflict can be exacerbated by the increasing sophistication of adolescents’
thinking and their ability to argue. With formal operational skills, adolescents are cognitively on
an equal footing with parents, and parents are forced to find equally logical arguments why their teenage
offspring are not allowed to do certain things. Authoritarian admonishments from earlier developmental
stages, such as ‘Because I said so’, no longer wash with teenagers. Rebecca made a forceful argument
as to why she should be allowed to attend the party, clearly citing her social obligations to her friend,
and, for good measure, adding the provocative challenge that her parents did not trust her. On the positive
side, adolescents’ logical arguments can be compelling and sensible, and often this forces parents
to accommodate their push towards independence. Arguments can, therefore, contribute to this essential
developmental goal. Thus, conflicts frequently serve as a catalyst for further growth in teenagers’ social
maturity and can lead to the narrowing of the gulf between parents and their almost grown children
(Holmbeck & O’Donnell, 1991; Young & Michael, 2014).
There are wide individual differences in the intergenerational conflict reported in families. Earlier psychodynamic
views of high and ubiquitous levels of intergenerational conflict were based on findings from
clinical samples that were generalised to the wider population. In contrast, large-scale studies involving
representative samples (e.g. Rutter, 1980) have given rise to a contemporary model of harmonious —
rather than conflicted — families during adolescence (Smetana, 2011). In fact, fewer than 10 per cent
of families with adolescent children are characterised by severe and ongoing intergenerational conflict,
involving serious issues such as drug abuse and criminal behaviour (Collins & Laursen, 2004). Table 11.1
outlines reasons for intergenerational conflict and presents strategies for reducing conflict.
Despite a normative model of harmonious intergenerational relationships, the minority of families
whose relationships are characterised more by strife than by harmony cannot be ignored. Research suggests
that at least one in five families experiences significant intergenerational conflict, which often begin
in earlier periods of development. Families with early maturing teenagers experience more conflict than
families with normatively maturing or late-maturing adolescent children (Collins & Steinberg, 2006).
Higher levels of parent–adolescent conflict are also more likely to occur in families coping with divorce,
economic hardship and similar serious stressors (Flanagan, 1990; Hetherington, Bridges, & Insabella,
1998; Lerner & Steinberg, 2004; McLoyd, 1990; Smetana, Killen, & Turiel, 1991).
As well as individual differences, there are broad cultural differences in intergenerational conflict. Traditional,
pre-industrial cultures report less intergenerational conflict than do modern industrial societies
(Nelson, Badger, & Woo, 2004). In post-industrial societies, the push for independence and individualism
is seen as a normative value. This brings to the fore the need for negotiation and, therefore, the potential
for conflict. Competing cultural norms may also contribute to intergenerational conflict.
A review of literature by Kwak (2003) examined intergenerational relationships in both immigrant and
non-immigrant families in a number of countries, including Australia. According to Kwak, immigrant
parents and their adolescent children experience dissonant acculturation — with adolescents adjusting
to the mainstream culture more quickly and easily than do their parents. This can give rise to significant
degrees of intergenerational conflict in immigrant families, which is exacerbated in situations where a
strong cultural network is absent. Where adolescents of immigrant families are surrounded by a wider
ethnic community, intergenerational dissonance between the cultural values of parents and children is
604 PART 5 Adolescence
Hoffnung, M. (2018). Lifespan development, 4th australasian edition. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com
Created from scu on 2020-05-03 03:25:01.
Copyright © 2018. Wiley. All rights reserved.
lessened, and consequently there is lower intergenerational conflict. Kwak asserts that the focus of much
intergenerational conflict in immigrant families is on the question of autonomy versus embeddedness in
the family. Non-immigrant families do not experience intergenerational conflict in this area to a similar
degree, since their expectations of embeddedness are not as high. Intergenerational conflict also seems to
be lessened in immigrant families by later autonomy-seeking by adolescents, compared to non-immigrant
families.
The post Family relationships during adolescence appeared first on My Assignment Online.